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This book presents a new history of the most important conflict in European affairs during the 1930s, the Spanish Civil War. It describes the complex origins of the conflict, the collapse of the Spanish Republic and the outbreak of the only mass worker revolution in the history of Western Europe. Stanley Payne explains the character of the Spanish revolution and the complex web of republican politics, while also examining the development of Franco's counter-revolutionary dictatorship. Payne gives attention to the multiple meanings and interpretations of war and examines why the conflict provoked such strong reactions at the time, and long after. The book also explains the military history of the war and its place in the history of military development, the non-intervention policy of the democracies and the role of German, Italian and Soviet intervention, concluding with an analysis of the place of the war in European affairs, in the context of twentieth-century revolutionary civil wars.
- Sales Rank: #345170 in eBooks
- Published on: 2012-07-16
- Released on: 2012-07-16
- Format: Kindle eBook
Review
"Payne, drawing on his knowledge and research on Spanish history, has written a legible (rather than just academic) history of the origins, political and military development, and consequences of the Spanish Civil War. His familiarity with twentieth-century European history enables him to place it in a comparative perspective. An important and objective work that . . . will generate interesting debates." - Juan J. Linz, Sterling Professor Emeritus of Political and Social Science, Yale University
"Stanley Payne has written a fine introductory history of the Spanish Civil War. Based on an unrivalled mastery of the huge historiography of the topic, Payne's volume convincingly dispels many of the myths that still surround the fratricidal conflict. It will be indispensable not just to students but to anyone interested in understanding one of the bitterest wars of the twentieth century." - Dr. Julius Ruiz, University of Edinburgh
"This is an extremely insightful book that has remarkably condensed analytical power. Payne's vast knowledge has generated an up-to-date and inclusive history of the Spanish conflict. He situates the Spanish Civil War in the context of revolutionary and counterrevolutionary confrontations in Europe, from the French Revolution to World War II. Furthermore, he succinctly and skillfully places the conflict within the long history of Spain. There is no better synthesis." - Michael Seidman, University of North Carolina at Wilmington
"It seems providential that one S. Payne should produce the most accomplished non-native writing on Spain's recent past. In his sixth decade of research, Stanley Payne has acquired wisdom beyond maturity. No living historian thinks so broadly or writes so cogently. Few authorities survey the scarred landscape of the tortured twentieth century with such a cool, forensic gaze. His standards of consideration and interpretation are elevated - and for readers, elevating. Perhaps surprisingly, this latest book is Payne's first comprehensive study of the Spanish Civil War. It prioritizes recent work without neglecting the packed storehouse of earlier scholarship. It should become an indispensable guide to its endlessly complex and supremely significant subject." - Rob Stradling, Professor Emeritus of History, Cardiff University
"Essential for interwar and/or modern Spain graduate collections. Highly recommended." -Choice
"Stanley Payne's study of the Spanish Civil War and the events leading up to that cataclysm is the latest work by one of America's premier historians of Europe." -Paul Gottfried, The American Conservative
About the Author
Stanley Payne has taught history at several universities, including Columbia University, University of California, Los Angeles and the University of Wisconsin. He is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and a corresponding member of Real Academia Española de la Historia, Madrid. He has received various awards and prizes, most recently the Marshal Shulman Book Award of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies (2005) and the Gran Cruz de Isabel la Católica from the Spanish government (2009). He has been co-editor of the Journal of Contemporary History since 1999. Professor Payne is the author of more than 20 books and 150 articles, as well as co-author or co-editor of 9 books. Most recently, he is the author of The Collapse of the Spanish Republic, 1933-1936: Origins of the Civil War, Franco and Hitler: Spain, Germany, and World War II, Spain: A Unique History and Civil War in Europe, 1905-1949.
Most helpful customer reviews
31 of 31 people found the following review helpful.
A Good Summary of Payne's Bibliography but a comparative read is necessary
By Juan Diego Marroquin
This book constitutes a concise summary of what has been a lifetime of work on Modern Spain by Professor Stanley Payne. As many have pointed out, this book is polarizing. Payne does indeed represent the conservative point of view on the Second Republic and the Spanish Civil War. However, he still remains one of the best historians of modern Spain and I acknowledge this openly as a leftist.
The book makes some very important points that tempers those on the left that would immediately rush to defend the Second Republic as a democratic government that became the victim of a right wing plot. As Payne argues rather convincingly, the left were not well-versed in the rules of democracy, which meant they were quite willing to suspend civil liberties if they felt the right were endangering public order. Indeed, perhaps the most important point Payne makes was that the revolution of Asturias was proof that the left, or at least the revolutionary socialists (Caballeristas) and others in the revolutionary left, were unwilling to accept the legitimacy of the 1933 elections, which had put a right-wing government in office. Leftists love to skip over Asturias, but they really can't, because it effectively radicalized the more moderate on the right who had softened their views on republican legitimacy and authority after the first biennium (1931-1933). By refusing to play the democratic game, which the right did, in the end, even if it was rather begrudgingly, the left had alienated half of Spain's citizenry.
Credit is also due to Payne for making the important distinctions between the execution methods of the left and the right. He argues that the right's methods were more centralized and planned, compared to the left's more localized execution squads. This is essentially a rehashing of the thesis made by Julius Ruiz, perhaps the most important historian on the subject of executions in the Spanish Civil War and after. For years, the standard argument had been that executions in the Republican zone were usually the result of public order getting out of hand, while the right's executions were always deliberate and planned: Ruiz and Payne show that 30,000 people don't just die because of a few "bad apples". However, credit is due to Payne for still making the very big concession that the right's execution strategies were more total, premeditated, and brutal. For Payne being a conservative, it's quite a big concession to make.
However, this book still accepts, long after scholarship has proven otherwise, many right-wing myths about the Second Republic and the Spanish Civil War. Firstly, there's the criminal downplaying of the bombing of Guernica. Second, there's the gross exaggeration of the Communist Party's influence in the Republican government. The communists played a minimal role in Republican policy from 1931-36 and it was only during the Civil War, when the Soviet Union provided assistance to the Republic, that the PCE actually gained some level of prominence within Republican administration. The Soviets were able to make important organizational changes to facilitate greater military efficiency. But Payne's long and overdrawn discussion of the communists' plans for their "republic of a new type" is really not of any serious significance: even if it could be proven that the Communists had some grander plans for an eventual revolutionary takeover in Spain, the historical record has shown that most of the moderate politicians and socialists within the Spanish Republic took every effort to halt any possible communist conspiracy. The role of Juan Negrin was essential to this effort. To Payne's credit, he paints a fairly positive portrait of Negrin. But he has neglected important work by historians like Helen Graham, who has shown that the socialists were able to successfully police the revolutionary elements within their party while assuring that Soviet influence would only serve along an advisory capacity. The failure to acknowledge this undermines Payne's thesis significantly.
Finally, there is also the gross misrepresentation of the Popular Front electoral campaigns. There has been no convincing evidence to show that the left committed electoral fraud in order to win the February 1936 elections: almost all historians acknowledge the legitimacy of those elections. Furthermore, the Popular Front platform for the election was a very moderate one, which simply called for a reinstitution of the reforms implemented by the liberal-socialist government in 1931-33. The left understood the tense, polarized political atmosphere Spain had entered into: therefore, they proceeded with caution and care into that electoral cycle. However, if we go with Payne's account, 1936 was simply the straw that broke the camel's back, the final culminating act in a plan to destroy Spanish Catholicism and conservatism. We can read any historians like Shubert, Esenwein, Graham, and Preston to prove otherwise.
I could go on with some of the other things Payne ignores but I will spare the reader any greater length. I will conclude by simply stating that if other readers haven't already gleaned this from my review, you will not have received a full, nuanced understanding of the Spanish Civil War by reading a single volume. I encourage readers to consult other volumes on the Spanish Civil War: Helen Graham, Paul Preston, Julius Ruiz, are good examples to get contrasting or complementary views. The Spanish Civil War is complicated and it requires great poise and understanding to articulate to a broader public. We're often trained as humans to identify with a side. There's got to be a good guy and a bad guy and we can never accept that in a civil war, both sides tend to get ugly. This does not mean I don't have my own inclinations as to who I think bears responsibility for the brunt of Spanish suffering. I don't think it is in any way justifiable to argue that the right was "forced" to go to war. I think I might have more sympathy for Franco and his generals if his coup had been orchestrated with the objective of restoring order to Spain. But we know that wasn't his plan. Instead of just dissolving the Republic but then calling for a new constitution, Franco moved to exterminate all those who would disseminate liberalism and "Judeo-Bolshevism". We have a 36-year dictatorship as proof that the right could never have been well-intentioned. So, while we can acknowledge the authoritarianism of the left, we cannot forget that the war was ultimately the result of a group of men who conspired to end democracy and institute dictatorship.
30 of 32 people found the following review helpful.
Most Pertinent Events with Excellent Analysis
By Gene T
Professor Payne has written an extraordinarily compact history of the struggle that captures its major elements and accompanies the story with sober analysis devoid of the polemics that tend to characterize other recent histories on the subject appearing in paperback.
The recounting of dramatic events is also placed in the international, domestic historical and cultural context essential for a better understanding of the overall conflict and the ideological extremes shaped by the confluence of these contextual factors.
Payne effectively takes on some of the sticky old myths that continue to appear in other new works. The facts he assembles and the cogent analysis of them avoid cavalier demonization and exculpation.
The book gave me a better appreciation of just how much the events surrounding the cataclysms reflected a genuine, bottom-up working class revolution. And likewise, the importance that Spain's own leftist parliamentary leaders and the Soviets placed on downplaying, for the outside world, the revolutionary aspects of the struggle they so laboriously sought to harness. The tactic, which never reflected abandonment by Stalin of longer term strategic aims, helped significantly to project a simplified image abroad of a conflict between liberal democracy with a social democratic slant and fascist tyranny.
Also interesting was Payne's depiction of how each side often managed to resist efforts of their foreign sponsors to move them in directions deemed contrary to their own goals or perceived interests. In reviewing some of the frequent critiques by military analysts of the handling of combat operations, the author likewise provides a variety of perspectives that help the reader better understand the dilemmas faced by each side at the time.
The Spanish Civil War left an indelible mark on 20th century Europe. For a reader generally familiar with the subject, or one completely new to it, Payne provides an excellent, easy-to-read understanding of its multiple dimensions and complexities. Such an understanding, aided by a healthy historical detachment, could also serve as a useful aid in evaluating the perennial dilemma surrounding outside intervention in civil wars elsewhere. If you only have time for one book on Spain's major 20th century war, this latest book by Payne -- probably the subject's foremost English language historian -- is the one to read.
I took the liberty below of excerpting two passages I think represent the balance and context marking this new book:
Pg 104
" Mass executions began almost immediately in the Spanish war, even sooner than in Russia, where organized mass killings started only in 1918, when the Bolsheviks officially instituted the Red Terror. ..The conflict in Spain was the last revolutionary civil war of the generation that followed World War I, feeding on the propaganda, fears, and hatreds generated by its predecessors. Associated with this was the fact that the 1930s were a time of growing tension in which the earlier example of Bolshevism was followed by the rise of fascism - a deadly combination that evoked increasingly widespread fear and hatred. More specific to Spain was the run-up to the revolution, with increasing political violence since 1931 producing approximately 2,500 deaths during the intervening years. Even the Russian revolution of 1917 did not have this kind of violent prelude, which was without precedent." (The reference refers to "domestic," aside from Russia's WWI involvement.)
Pg. 143
" For the three principal democracies, the Spanish war was troublesome, and each approached it differently. To their citizens the Spanish war was sort of political mirror in which they saw the reflection of whatever issues concerned them most. For militant antifascists, the war was a great antifascist struggle, and for militant anticommunists it was an anti-communist crusade. The extreme left saw it as a great revolution, Catholics and conservatives as a crucial struggle to defend Christian civilization. Those who believed that German expansionism was the primary menace saw in Spain an opportunity to thwart German policy. Those whose primary goal was simply to avoid broader war at all costs - and these were the largest single sector - supported nonintervention, regardless of whichever side they viewed as having the best cause or being less objectionable."
31 of 34 people found the following review helpful.
Balanced, objective, detailed
By Robert W. Butler, Jr.
This book is eye opening. The Republicans won the world wide propaganda battle as surely as they lost the civil war. Mr. Payne makes it abundantly clear that the Republic of 1930s Spain was intolerant, autocratic and disorganized. And not above purging and assassinating their enemies at will. Does this make Franco charming and benevolent? Hardly, but his success in transforming Spain was amazing even if the result was certainly not quite what he intended.
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